


^763 




Class U f ^ J 
Book-.OX^ 



Principles and Policies 
Democrat or Republican 



What's the Difference? 




Copyright 1920 
Jeannette O. Campbell 

M 

The fiee use of this copyright is hereby 
given by the author to any publisher 
printing the same prior to Nov. 2. 1920. 
— .leanette O. Campbell, 34 St. James 
Paik. Los Angeles, Cal. 



&S3 



Several of our leading newspapers have pub- 
lished articles and editorials in apswer to the 
questions ot new voters, "What is the difference 
between the political beliefs of a Democrat and a 
Republican?" None ol these articles 1 have read 
have seemed to me enlightening to anyone, not 
already conversant with the facts. It is a ques- 
tion that has been in my own mind for years and,. 
having leisure and the opportunity to investigate 
I have given much time and labor to seeking this 
truth. What I have found ought to be of value to 
other inquiring minds. I believe I have reached 
a fair, I may almost say a sympathetic under- 
standing of both the party of Jefferson, Monroe, 
Jackson, Cleveland, Wilson and Cox; and the 
party of Hamilton, Jay, Lincoln, McKinley, 
Roosevelt, and Harding. 

To begin at the beginning: As colonists the 
Injustice of England drove us to think of Justice. 
Oppression founded the great University of Free- 
dom. In that University there grew up two 
schools of political thought. One thought deeply, 
the other forcefully. There were those students 
of governmental thought who analyzed every 
problem of statecraft to find the basic truth; and 
very gradually they formulated a few very funda- 
mental principles of Liberty and Justice. 

That "taxation without representation is un- 
just"; that "all power to govern is derived from 
the consent of the governed"; "that all men art- 
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable- 
rights." Some of these rights enumerated were: 
"freedom of religion," "freedom of speech," "free- 
dom of the press," "the right of assembly," and 
the "right to petition the government for redress L 
of grievance," "freedom from arrest or search 
without proper warrant," that no person should 

;■ iicpri\id of life, liberty, or property without 
■ n-j process of law," nor should private properly 
• ■ ■ for public use without just compensa- 
■ right of those "accused of crime tol 
d public trial" and "to be confronted by[ 
.ii; \M'i ses against them." Nearly all of these; 
lu^.uaoiis will be recognized as the words of 
Thomas Jefferson and taken, by me, from either 
the Declaration of Independence or from the first 
I en Amendments to 'the Constitution of the 
United States. All these and many other similar 
things were held to be "unalienable rights of man- 
kind." 

This same school of political thought worked 
out the idea that in organized society every indi- 
vidual should be protected in the utmost degree 
of personal liberty — that could be made possible — 
without conflicting with an equal degree of per- 
sonal liberty for all other persons. To accomplish 
any guarantee of this breadth of personal liberty, 
under the many and varying conditions and sur- 
roundings in which we live, it was evident, some 
laws must be made and applied locally while 
others must be made and applied by the larger 
units of government for the collective good. Thus 
there would be Township, County, State, and Na- 
tional authority. 

As they held firmly to the doctrine that "all 
power to govern should be derived from the con- 
sent of the governed," it was logical that the peo- 
ple should retain (and the smaller units of gov- 
ernment should retain as nearer the people) ever\ 



OCT 23l%ciA599778 



/ 



.power not dctinilcly detenniiiecl upon and spc- 

,j.cifically surrendered to the larger unit of govern- 

^nient. Thus, to their way of thinking, the cen- 

i;jlral government could only have such powers as 

^the people might give them in the Constitution; 

■'^and the people should give ihc central govern- 

■^rment only such power as necessary to the com- 

-^mon good, in the maximum of strength and effi- 

!Xciency for the protection of the Union in all its 

^parts. 

That all governments of every kind must be 
supported by taxes is a necessity; and that the 
l)olicies of levying, collecting and expending such 
taxes must be planned upon the best business 
methods and by the ablest minds among us; Jef- 
ferson held that a Republic was the right kind of 
government for us to establish. A government in 
which the law-making authority is given to 
elected representatives. 

A representative form of government was a 
necessity for efficiency as well as for fairness to 
those sections oi the nation most remote from 
tlie capital. Through elections the people could 
certainly choose more able and earnest minds for 
the work than could be selected through any 
other system, but above all the people had the 
right to choose their law-makers. 

In handling the business affairs of the nation, 
tliis school of political thought demanded that 
whatever the problem and whoever the legisla- 
tors, still the rights of mankind must be observed 
and any policy, however efficient from a business 
point of view, that infringed upon the principles 
of Freedom, the advocates of this school of poli- 
tics have always opposed. Grover Cleveland as 
Mayor of Buffalo said: "I cannot rid myself of 
the idea that this city government in its relation 
to the taxpayer is a business establishment, and 
that it is put in our hands to be conducted on 
business principles." And again as President of 
the United States he said: "Public officers are 
servants and agents of the people to execute laws 
which the people have made, and within the lim- 
its of the Constitution which they have estab- 
lished." 

These, I find, are the Principles of Democracy 



The other school of political thought as devel- 
oped in the earliest days of our problems of 
Freedom, and as followed down to the present 
time, has been of a more materialistic and force- 
ful turn of mind. They represent a different sort 
of mind. They have not paused to seek for basic 
truths or fundamental principles but have evolved 
policies of action. In nearly all the writings 
about Democratic ideals, whether from the pens 
of Republicans or Democrats, the word "prin- 
ciples" is constantly used; while in the same way 
the thoughtful of both parties in speaking of Re- 
publican theories hibatually use the word "poli- 
cies." Whether these writers have used these 
words in this way consciously or unconsciously, 
they have shown this discrimination in their Eng- 
lish. When our government is regarded as a 
purely business proposition, we arc dealing with 
material things and the word "policy" not "prin- 
ciple" is the accurate one to use. I do not mean 
for a moment to say that policy excludes prin- 
ciple any more than you or I or any one else 
could say that principles are impractical things. 
But \\hat I do mean to say is, that, to the mate- 
rialistic, forceful mind of the Hamiltonian tj'pe it 



seems natural to substitute Vigor for Vision — 
not from any lack of honest purpose, but from 
impatience for action. The Jcffersonian ideals of 
Freedom necessitate some restraints in the way 
of deeper thought and study of each matter in 
hand before an efficient way can be found to exe- 
cute the business in hand with fairness to all. Of 
these restraints this materialistic school of 
thought is intolerant. They do not have the pa- 
tience even in the interest of ideals to go deeply 
into the analysis of things, so are incapacitated 
from seeing their most glaring infringements 
upon the standards of a free people. 

James Parton, in his Life of Thomas Jefferson, 
in speaking of Alexander Hamilton, says: "In 
American politics it was impossible that he ever 
should have been at home, because he never 
could believe the truths, nor share the hopes,] 
upon which the American system is based." 

Their ideals of government have never gonel 
further than that in problems of law and order! 
and protection from foreign foe our government] 
must be strong, and in problems of public busi- 
ness the government must be efficient. Henry! 
Cabot Lodge in his Life of Alexander Hamilton, 
page 90, says: "The cardinal doctrines of Hamil- 
ton in questions of politics and government were 
strength and order." On page 91 of the same \ 
volume. Senator Lodge continues: "Hamilton's 
scheme went further, seeking to crate a strong, 
and, so far as was possible and judicious ,a per- 
manent class all over the country, without regard 
to existing political affiliations, but bound to the 
government as a govrrnnicnt by the strongest of 
all ties, immediate 'A^d persona^ pecuniary inter- 
ests." "That the full inl'^nt of the policy was to 
array property on the side of the ":overnnient." 
"He had been unable to intri^diic° cla'^s inffnence ^ 
into the Constitution by limitins" t'^e sulifrage 
for the President and Senate wi'^h n nropertv 
qualification, but by his financial po'icv he con'' 
bind the existing class of wealthy men, romrri'-* 
ing at that day the aristocracy bequeathed bv 
provincial times to the new system, and thus, if 
at all, assure to the property of the country the 
control of the government." 

On page 68 in speaking of Hamilton's publica- 
tion of "The Federalist," Senator Lodge says: 
"As a treatise on principles of federal govern- 
ment it still stands at the head ,and has been 
turned to as an authority bv the leading minds of 
Germany intent upon the formation of the Ger- 
manic Empire." Senator Lodge on page 61 says 
again: "The republic of Hamilton was to be an 
aristocrati cas distinguished from a democratic 
republic." Alexander Hamilton himself wrote in 
one of his published "Caesar" letters: "I am not 
much attached to the majesty of the masses." To 
Hamilton's way of thinking the masses need no 
voice in the government and would in many ways 
l)rove a weighty impediment to efficient politics. 

Now to digress a little bv way of illustrations 
of the applications of Haniiltonian policies. 

In framing the Constitution of the United 
States, Hamilton had found it impossible to re- 
strict the suffrage, but in framing the first Consti- 
tution of the State of New York Hamilton and 
Jay succeeded in inserting property qualifications 
for voting. This was particularly and peculiarly 
unjust in New York Citv. Because early in the 
Revolution the Citv of New York was captured 
1>y the British and held through most of the war, 

—3— 



/ 



tlie rich Tories there were protected and thus en- 
abled to hold and increase iheir wealth in safety; 
while the Patriots of New York had given up 
their homes, business and all their possessions to 
join the Continental Army. Thus it was that 
when the war was over, the Tories were living in 
luxury and ease, while the Patriots from the Con- 
tinental Army had to return home in rags to be- 
gin life anew. 

Because their ragged pockets were empty these 
heroes were met with a state Constitution debar- 
ring them from any of the civic rights they had 
fought to gain, while the rich Tories regulated 
all the affairs of the state and echoed Hamilton 
in his admiration and praise of the British and 
Helvetic governments and all the policies and 
customs of feudalistic monarchies. It was at this 
critical period in the history of the State of New 
York that Tammany became a factor in the po- 
litical life of the state. Tammany was organized 
and fought against this gross injustice for over 
thirty years before in 1821 they succeeded and a 
new state constitution gave the residents of the 
state manhood suffrage. It was this struggle that 
gave Tammany its first great strength and this 
victory that made it so famous as to attract every 
lioor emigrant who landed from the other side 
with his soul athirst for Liberty — the name of 
Tammany was to him the symbol of the Liberty 
lie had come to seek. In this way during the fol- 
lowing fifty years Tammany acquired through im- 
migration a large and in many cases undesirable 
mcnibersliip. In time the irresponsible element 
completely swayed its ranks and by, 1873 Tam- 
many was using its powers in the way of the 
most lawless and debased of politics. The gross 
evils of that day so soiled the reputation of the 
organization as ever since to give the name of 
Tammanv bar odor. Samuel Tilden led a mem- 
oral:)le fight against their corrupt practices, that 
forever tamed the "Tiger" into ways of civiliza- 
tion. 

In the same way Hamilton formulated policies 
to provide for financing and defending the coun- 
try upon what he considered strong and business- 
like methods. But as the good of the masses did 
not enter into his considerations, each and every 
one of his pet policies have had to be repealed 
each time they have been put into practic. They 
seem to forget that of each and every principle 
of Right we can sav, as of honesty, it "is the 
Ix'st policv." No policy of government ever was 
stronger than Right and Justice; and no business 
method ever was made more efficient by careless- 
ness of the reputation of the organization. 

As our first Secretary of the Treasury under 
President Washington, Hamilton had the oppor- 
tunity to try them all. He instituted the tariff 
plong the "protection" lines, established a United 
States Bank and had enacted Internal Revenue 
laws. All three were obnoxious to the American 
peoole in principle and failed in their practical 
apolications to produce satisfactory business re- 
■^nlts. The Whiskey Insurrection being one of 
the evidences of dissatisfaction. 

After twelve struggling years of Hamiltonian 
policies in the business of the Nation, Thomas 
Jefferson became President and Albert Gallatin 
became his Secretary of the Treasury and con- 
t'nned throiiprh twelve years of great prosperity 
an'l satisfaction to the country. All the financial 
policies of the Nation being revised and adjusted 

—4— 



to conform lo Jcft'ersoniau principles. 

Then the second war with Great Britain came 
and the attempt was made to finance the war by 
reverting to Hamiltonian theories. President 
Madison having been associated with Hamilton 
and Jay in the pulViication of "The Federalist," 
this was perhaps natural; but the result was most 
disastrous and Jcfifcrsonian principles were again 
invoked with benefit. Then Monroe became 
President and his administration comes down to 
us in history famous as "the Era of Good Feel- 
ing." After that John Quincy Adams influenced 
i)y Henry Clay again turned the Nation to poli- 
cies of "Protection" only to create another finan- 
cial crisis. But their day was short and under 
Andrew Jackson the Nation again enjoyed great 
prosperity and general satisfaction. 

In the election of a Whig, President William 
Henry Harrison, we again had Hamiltonian poli- 
cies snd again disastrous results financially. 

In 1846 the Democrats were again in power and 
the free trade tariflf of that period re-established 
prosperity. Also in 1846 under a Democratic ad- 
ministrat'on the Treasury System was established 
which has proven successful ever since. Under 
President Wilson the Federal Reserve System 
''.-'s been added to this and is so fair and so 
•"ound as a busines policy as to prove successful 
past the brightest dreams of its advocates. It i' 
even rumored that its success as a source of reve- 
nue to the government has been so great as to 
ratch the jealous eves of various banking inter- 
e t^s ^vho plan with the assistance of Senator 
HaT1!?^f4t^ to revise it to their private profit. 

Tlie Income Tax as a part of the Internal Reve- 
nue Svstem has been enacted several times and 
eacli time repealed. It was on President Taft's 
recommendation that the Constitutional Amend- 
ment making such an act lawful was passed. The 
Drc^ent 'aw has proven in some of its clauses so 
H'-'fair that President Wilson has urged its re- 
vision, but the present Congress has been too 
busy with politics to give time to attending to 
these public needs. Governor Cox in his speech 
of accepance promises, "Federal taxation must be 
heavily reduced, and it will be done at once if a 
Democratic administration be chosen." 

Throughout our history and on down to the 
present time as Hamiltonian or lefifersontan 
methods of business have been used in our gov- 
ernment affairs, so the prosperity of our Nation 
has ebbed and lloM^ed. In the present Jeffer- 
sonian era, after nearly eight years of other great 
achievements, Wilson Wages stand out as the 
best ever known in this or any other country, and 
millions of our people are able to put by savings 
who never before had such opportunity. 

Now to turn briefly from the Hamiltonian 
financial policies to his ideas of national defense. 
As we have seen in the quotation from Senator 
Lodge, Alexander Hamilton's ideals were in'^or- 
porated in the founding of the Germanic Em- 
pire — with what results we have observed. In 
onr own Nation these policies have given us the 
Philippines and other serious problems to sol-'-e. 
If those policies were again at the head of the 
government. Senator Harding promises a vigor- 
ous hand in Mexico, and we would again be 
ealled UDon to see our youn? men put on the 
khaki and tell us good-bve — al' in order that we 
vriv protect the speculations of cnrh .-\merlca"<= 
who not satisfied with fair profits at home (know- 



ing the risks), have chosen to cross the border 
in hopes of fabulous profits over there. 

A policy of military strength has always been 
the sentiment natural to a party believing in Im- 
perialistic power and force. The mind that be- 
lieves in this Imperial power, in military force, n 
financial favors to special interests, in the 
strength of the central government first, and only 
such rights given to the individual as the central 
government may choose to confer; such a mind 
naturally, as Parton said of Hamilton, "can never 
believe the truths nor share the hopes upon which 
the American System is based." 

Senator Lodge, as an admirer and follower of 
Alexander Hamilton, naturally can never grasp 
the ideals of our freedom. 

To Senator Lodge, "a government of the peo- 
ple, by the people, and for the people" is a fine 
form of fair words, not an inspired truth. The 
mind of Senator Lodge lives in the atmosphere 
of Senatorial dignity, not down among the people 
of the Nation. According to his way of think- 
ing the United States Senate should hold and 
do'es hold vast powers in spite of the wishes of 
the people of America. He is a real Federalist 
and according to the Federalist ideals the largest 
unit of government holds all the power to dole 
out only as it sees fit to those beneath. Naturally 
to -uch a mind the League of Nations is a night- 
mare indeed. If Senator Lodge had gone to Par, 
and had written such a document as the Covena '; 
of the League of Nations and had incorporate*, 
his own standards and ideals, we might well fe; r 
its power. But the man who went was one wf c 
had spent his life studying Constitutional ar-i 
International Laws and applying to every one ni 
them the principles and standards of Jeffersonis 
Democracy and all the "unalienable rights < 
mankind."" and when he had convinced the oth( 
<rreat minds over there of both the justice and tl 
wisdom of those principles, they joined in wntin. 
into that covenant only such phrases as will add 
immeasurably to the safety of our liberties. 

The League has no power in itself but only 
such functions as the nations of the world, as 
representatives of the people of the world, have 
given to its care. 

' It has no authority to act and no power to con- 
ti-ol us, but is an efficient organization for coun- 
cil— to advise and co-operate for mutual aid and 
'-hen all its r^iembcrs agree to plan and arrange 
for quick and harmonious action. 

In every Presidential election there are the 
three things to be considered: the men, the issues 
of this particular campaign, and the party prin- 
ciples and policies. 

As to the men, I would suggest the experience 
of Senator Harding in afifairs of government 
have been in legislative proceedings and he seems 
t'^ belong to that tvpe of mind, while Governor 
Cox has time and again held executive office and 
has at all times accomplished his work with mar- 
vf^lous success. The Presidency is an executive 
office and Governor Cox has proven himself 
gifted with the right sort of ability. 

Both men have reputations as Christian gen- 
tlemen. We can find no criticism of either one 
as a good man— and what we need is to select 
1 otM-een them the one who will make the best 
Chief Executive of our Nation. Both men have 
earned their own wav in the world and both are 
counted successful. If we wish business efficiency 
—6— 



at the head of our government we would have to 
measure between them and the choice again 
would have to fall with Governor Cox. 

When we turn to the issues of this campaign, 
the League of Nations is the paramount issue. 
Until that issue is decided, all others must wait, 
because all others are involved in it. Until the 
Treaty of Peace with Germany has been signed, 
we cannot arrange any of our commercial rela- 
tions either at home or abroad. The League is 
the vital issue no matter from what angle we 
look at it. And who is there who believes in 
progress and enlightenment but would vote for 
its speedy ratification? 

And last we consider the policies and the prin- 
ciples of the two great parties. 

Beside the military strength of Imperial Ger- 
many built, according to Senator Lodge's own 
statement, upon the principles he and all his as- 
sociates believe and admire and would follow. 
Beside this we place the Jeflfersonian standards 
of a strong and free people — the extracts from 
the Declaration of Independence and from the 
first ten Amendments of the Constitution — these 
are the principles of Democracy — for which we 
fought and for which those who understand will 
vote. 

A study of the business policies of the two par- 
lies will prove in every instance that the Hamil- 
tonian policy gets quick action because it has the 
cordial co-operation of those business interests 
that anticipate profits from such legislation. But 
that such legislation being unfair to the public 
at large, invariably lirings disaster to the public 
welfare. 

There are millions of ne'^v voters in this elec- 
tion, millions of women voting for the first time, 
millions of newly naturalized voters, and millions 
of the youth of America who have come of age 
since the last election. We must each think we^l 
of our responsibility and remember th-^ admoni- 
lion of President Grover Cleveland: "Your every 
voter, as surely as your chief magistrate, under 
the same high sanction, though in a different way, 
exercises a public trtist." 



-7 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



III III mill mi 1 1 iililllililiili lliil 
013 983 209 7 



